Harry Streeter was born the son of Alfred Samuel and Harriet Streeter in Newick, East Sussex on 10 January, 1884. He was brought up in Newick, attending school there and becoming a baker.

At the age of 18, in 1901, he enlisted for 12 years’ service with the 1st Life Guards of the Household Cavalry, based out of Windsor. After just 8 years of home service, in 1909, he transferred to the Army Reserve, but re-joined the 1st Life Guards in August 1914 at the start of the 1st World War.

He was sent to France in October of that year as part of the British Expeditionary Force, in C Squadron, 1st Life Guards.

On 30 October 1914, the Regiment was in the trenches at Zanvoorde, and the Regiment’s War Diary describes what happened:

6 a.m. – Heavy bombardment of position opened. At 7.30 a.m. position was attacked by large force of infantry. This attack proved successful owing to greatly superior numbers. Regiment retired in good order about 10 a.m. except C Squadron on left flank from which only about ten men got back. Remainder of Squadron missing.

Nearly 300 men from the Household Cavalry were killed in the battle: C Squadron were overrun.

He was initially listed as ‘missing’. His family was told by a Trooper from A Squadron of the 1st Life Guards that he may have been wounded and taken prisoner at Zanvoorde, and they asked the International Committee of the Red Cross whether they had an information on his as a Prisoner of War.

On 3 January 1916, he was officially recorded by his Regiment as having been killed.

His death is commemorated on the Ypres (Menin Gate) Memorial, the Household Cavalry Memorial at Zanvoorde, and on the memorial plaque at St Mary’s Church, Newick.

This story was submitted by Robert Streeter

The post Harry Streeter appeared first on WW1 East Sussex.

Born in Hastings, at 42 Bexhill Road, on 19 July 1892 as Stephen Sargent Claude Nunney, he was generally referred to by his family as Claude. His father was William Percy Nunney, born in Burford, Oxfordshire, and his mother was Mary Nunney, formerly Sargent. Claude was the fourth of eight children.

The family left Hastings in 1895 and moved to Kentish Town, St Pancras, in London where his mother was to sadly die of food poisoning in February 1899. Two of Claude’s younger siblings died very young, and of the remaining six, five passed into the care of the Catholic Church. The three boys born in Hastings, Frederick George, Stephen Claude and Alfred Nunney all became “Home Children” in Canada. The term “Home Child” covered the young girls and boys sent as child emigrants by various agencies to Canada to start new lives.

Home children

Alfred and Claude Nunney travelled together aboard the SS Tunisian in October 1905 to Quebec and then on to St George’s Home at Hintonberg, Ottawa, Ontario. They were split up and sent to different families, Alfred moving to the Micksburg County, Renfrew, and Claude to North Lancaster. Alfred was just twelve and Claude thirteen when they went in their separate directions. Claude Nunney was placed with Mrs Donald Roy McDonald, where he lived and worked as a “Home Child”.

Claude Nunney – Image courtesy of Peter Silk

Unbeknown to Claude, his brother George, who travelled as a Home Child to Canada in October 1904, was drowned on 19 July 1908 in the Jock River, Jockvale. This is around 150 kilometres from North Lancaster. He was aged only 17. He had been placed with Patrick Houlahan, a local farmer.

Claude in the period 1913 and 1914 up to the outbreak of the First World War travelled to work in Trenton and St Catherine’s, Canada. He returned to the North Lancaster Township in early 1915.

At War

When Britain declared war on Germany on 4 August 1914, it was not a declaration limited just to the British Isles. All dominions and colonies of the British Empire were brought into the war as well; including Canada.

On the 8 February 1915, Claude Nunney attended the Drill Hall, Alexandria, Glengarry County. He was one of the very first to enlist into the newly authorised regiment in Ottawa, the Ottawa Overseas Battalion (Eastern Ontario Regiment), which was known as the 38th Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF). He re-attested in Ottawa on the 8 March 1915. Nunney claimed to have been born in Dublin. Claude had no previous military service.

He was five foot six inches tall with blue eyes and red hair. The colour of his hair led him to be known by his fellow soldiers as “Red Nunney”.

Claude Nunney (r) – Image courtesy of Peter Silk

The 38th CEF were sent overseas in August 1915, not to France as they wanted and anticipated, but to Bermuda, where they took over as the Garrison troops. Eventually in June 1916 the men of the 38th CEF landed at Plymouth and travelled to Aldershot. The 38th CEF joined the 12th Canadian Infantry Brigade, 4th Canadian Division. They underwent more training in preparation for the trench warfare across the Channel.

The 38th CEF embarked on 13 August 1916 to fight in France and Flanders, where they fought right through to the end of the war on 11 November 1918. The Ottawa regiment’s first large scale action was on the 18 November 1916 with the battle for the Ancre Heights, where they were involved in the fierce fighting for the Desire Trench, and had to attack across a sea of mud to get to their objectives.

Private Claude Nunney was involved in the heavy fighting to take the Vimy Ridge on 8 April 1917. He was sent with his Lewis Machine Gun crew to support Captain Thain McDowell. For the bravery shown that day Captain MacDowell was to be awarded the first Victoria Cross in the 38th CEF. Private Claude Nunney for his support of Captain MacDowell was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal (DCM).

Claude had been previously wounded in the left shoulder, before he went back into action with MacDowell. He received a second wound in his right leg. He was soon back with the 38th CEF by the 12 April. He was promoted to the rank of Sergeant in the weeks immediately after the Battle for Vimy.

Badge of the 38th Ottawa Overseas Battalion – Image from ‘Soldiers of the 38th‘

After Vimy the fighting took the 38th steadily northwards toward Lens. They were ordered to attack Avion on 26 June 1917. They were in the front line for the next four days attacking the buildings on the outskirts of Avion. On the 28 June Claude Nunney went over the top and before he reached the enemy trenches Lt MacLennan, his platoon officer, had been wounded and he found himself in charge as the platoon sergeant. He was to be awarded the Military Medal (MM) for these actions.

The citation records he displayed the greatest energy strength and courage, on that day and in the subsequent two days. Claude also had assisted in the treatment and rescue of a wounded soldier, Private William Murray, who had been shot in the head by a sniper, when there were no stretcher bearers available.

Claude Nunney was gassed during German shelling on the night of 28/29 July 1917 and spent two months in hospital. He returned to his unit at the end of September 1917. He was attached to the Canadian Corps School, and remained with them for the next few months. Nunney was not with the 38th CEF when they fought in the Third Battle of Ypres.

By mid-April 1918 the 38th CEF were back in the Vimy area. Claude was to face a field court martial for striking a superior officer. On the 25 April 1918 he was found guilty. Whilst waiting to be transported to prison, he attempted with several other soldiers to rescue the pilot and observer from a German aeroplane that had been shot down nearby. He was to suffer burns to his face and hands. For his bravery he was to have his sentence suspended. But he did lose his Sergeant’s stripes, reverting to being a Private. Claude Nunney was able to re-join the 38th CEF on 18 August.

His brother Alfred Nunney was killed in action with the 44th CEF on the 10 August 1918 in their attack on Fouquestcourt.

Victoria Cross

The Canadian Army divisions were all heavily engaged in the heavy fighting that took place in the last 100 days of the war and the 38th CEF were as ever involved. Over the two days starting on the 1 September 1918, the Eastern Ontario Regiment attacked the well-constructed and heavily fortified defensive trench systems known as the Drocourt-Quéant Line at Dury.

Private Claude Nunney distinguished himself, as had been his habit throughout his time in France and Flanders, by visiting the various regimental outposts during the height of the fighting encouraging his fellow Canadian soldiers with his words as well as his example. His conduct was later described in the London Gazette on 13 December 1918:

Number 410935 Private Claude Joseph Patrick Nunney DCM MM, 38th Battalion, Eastern Ontario Regiment.

For most conspicuous bravery during the operations against the Drocourt-Queant line on the 1 and 2 September 1918.

On 1st September, when his battalion was in the vicinity of Vis-en-Artois, preparatory to the advance, the enemy laid down a heavy barrage and counter-attacked. Pte Nunney, who was at this time at company headquarters, immediately on his own initiative proceeded through the barrage to the company outpost lines, going from post to post and encouraging the men by his own fearless example. The enemy were repulsed and a critical situation was saved.

During the attack on September 2nd, his dash continually placed him in advance of his companions, and his fearless example undoubtedly helped greatly to carry the company forward to its objectives. He displayed throughout the highest degree of valour until severely wounded

Claude Nunney’s headstone – Image courtesy of Peter Silk

On the 9 September 1918, Nunney was recommended by the British First Army for the award of the Victoria Cross for conspicuous gallantry during the operations to capture the German fortified trenches forming the Drocourt-Quéant Line.

Claude Nunney’s wounds proved to be fatal and he died on 18 September 1918. He is buried in the Aubigny Communal Cemetery Extension. Claude Nunney was one of seven Canadian soldiers to be awarded the Victoria Cross for the successful attacks on the Drocourt-Quéant Line.

Private Nunney was the mostly highly decorated other rank in the Canadian Army in the First World War, being the only Canadian soldier of the war to be awarded the Victoria Cross, Distinguished Conduct Medal, and Military Medal.

He was to be the 38th CEF second and final VC recipient. Claude Nunney was the only man born in Hastings to be awarded the Victoria Cross in the First World War.

Commemoration

On Sunday 2 September, Claude Nunney’s actions that led to him receiving the Victoria Cross were commemorated by the unveiling of a memorial paving stone in Alexandra Park, Hastings.

In attendance were the Lord Lieutenant of East Sussex, the High Sheriff of East Sussex, the Mayor of Hastings, the Chief of Staff of the Canadian Defence Liaison Staff, and Claude’s Great Grand Nephew Tim Nunney.

The Paving Stone was placed in front of the existing war memorial in Alexandra Park. The memorial was dedicated in 1922 and, to mark the commemoration for Claude Nunney, Kieron Pelling has created a stunning ‘then and now‘ photograph showing the memorial’s dedication and the site today.

After the ceremony, attendees gave the following responses.

Lord Lieutenant of East Sussex

I think everyone was moved by the organisation, dignity and poignancy of the occasion.

I know I speak for everyone who attended, and indeed the public in East Sussex in saying it was a great occasion and very fitting for Claude and his family.

Mayor of Hastings

I felt honoured to play a part in this event. Soldiers like Claude Nunney made the ultimate sacrifice for our country and its allies in the First World War, and it was right and fitting that we recognised this ‘son of Hastings’ with a permanent memorial in the town.

Captain Yvan Shank

This was a very touching service. It was the first paving stone ceremony of three that I am attending on behalf of the Canadian High Commission and it is very special this close to the 100th anniversary of the armistice to recognise these heroes that were awarded the VC.

Master Corporal Matty Ford

It was a very moving ceremony, particularly in the final year of the centenary and 100 years since the end of the war. It was a privilege to meet the family and a very powerful feeling to be speaking during the ceremony. This was not ‘just another speech’.

Tim Nunney

The Nunney family are all very proud and it has been a great honour to take part in such a moving ceremony.

As part of the commemoration of Claude Nunney’s life, Glenna Smith-Walkden from the Home Children Association produced the following poem, inspired by Claude Nunney’s life and his sacrifice for two nations:

British Home Children

We were British Home Children
Our families in Britain torn apart
Send them to Canada they said
for a brand new start
Canada needs help on their farms
We all benefit, what’s the harm?

We went to work as indentured labour
Most of us young chidren
Our employers did us no favour

We were housed and fed
Worked hard each day
Dreaming of Britain and our home far away

When our contracts ended we travelled to find work
Then the Great War came to the world
Thousands of us home boys bravely enlisted
Many saw it as a ticket home
And once there we would never again roam
Many died on the battlefields
To ensure freedom for you

Peace was once more with us
England it seemed no longer our home
Back to Canada we went without a fuss
To live our lives in our adopted new Land
But we are always British Home Children
Please remember us.

This story was submitted by Peter Silk who has extensively researched Claude Nunney’s life.

The post Claude Nunney VC appeared first on WW1 East Sussex.

Albert Thomas Hendley was born in the village of Frant, East Sussex at the beginning of 1892. He was the youngest of William Richard Hendley and Annie Susanna née Flawn’s eight children. The Hendley family was from Mayfield and Rotherfield in East Sussex and the Flawn family were farmers in Withyham before living at ‘Stilehouse Farm’ Rotherfield.

Shortly after Albert was born his parents and the family moved to Eastbourne living at 18 Carlton Road, off the seafront. Albert and some of his siblings attended nearby Christ Church School. His mother Annie died in the summer of 1906 aged 54 when Albert was just 14. Albert, his father and a married sister Florence Rose Relf and husband Henry Relf then moved to a house named ‘Sea View’ in Red Lion Street Willingdon, now called Wish Hill. Opposite the house was the village post office housed in the bakery of John Roberts. Albert was apprenticed and trained there as a master baker and confectioner.

Willingdon bakery and Post Office – Image Courtesy of Rosalind Hodges

Almost opposite ‘Sea View’, in ‘Malthouse Cottages’, lived Elsie Wooller with her parents and two brothers Ernest and Harry. When war was declared in August 1914 many of the young men of Willingdon enlisted including Albert, his brother-in-law Henry Relf and Elsie’s two brothers, Ernest and Henry, all joining the Royal Sussex Regiment. Albert enlisted at the Eastbourne recruiting office in the 12th Battalion.  Henry Relf joined the 7th Battalion, Ernest Wooller the 12th and Henry Wooller the 9th. None of the four friends were to survive the fighting. Along with other recruits Albert marched through the town amid cheering crowds, leaving Eastbourne Railway Station to a great public send off, for Cooden Mount Camp near Bexhill, to commence training with the Southdowns Battalions. He remained here until July 1915 moving with his battalion firstly to Detling Camp in Kent, then on to Aldershot and finally Whitley Camp.

Albert and Elsie became engaged on Valentine’s Day 1916, seven weeks before the three Southdowns battalions embarked from Southampton for France on 4th April 1916, Sailing on the ‘Viper’ it was bitterly cold and snowing. They docked at Le Havre at 7am the following day, disembarked and boarded trains, travelling in goods wagons for some 22 hours to Steenbecque. Once off the train they marched a further 2 miles through the snow-covered countryside to the small town of Morbecque where Albert was billeted for 4 days in a barn on the outskirts. On 11 April the battalions moved forward from here approximately 18 miles and commenced preparations for what was to be the Battle of the Boar’s Head at Richebourg, the day preceding the Battle of the Somme.

At the beginning of June, Albert became severely ill with enteric fever, a disease similar to typhoid, which is caused by ingesting contaminated food or water. It was not an uncommon disease of the trenches with the obvious problems associated with hygiene and sanitation. Albert was hospitalised which meant he avoided the disastrous action on 30 June at the Battle of the Boar’s Head when so many of his comrades in the Southdowns battalions were killed, including his fiancée’s brother Ernest Wooller. At the beginning of August Albert was sent home to recuperate. He had lost weight and was still weak but improved considerably before returning in September to re-join his regiment in France. Whilst home he and Elsie planned to marry at Willingdon church in August 1917. Albert was to come home on leave once more during which time he made and iced his wedding cake, leaving it with Elsie.

Albert’s brother in law Henry Relf was killed on 25 July 1917 when 400 enemy made a surprise attack at approx. 3.00am, with mortars, gas and flame throwers, on the 7th Battalion trenches in the Wancourt-Feuchy lines.

Meanwhile Lowther’s Lambs, 11th, 12th and 13th battalions Royal Sussex Regiment were preparing for the Third Battle of Ypres, Passchendaele. They marched to Poperinghe on 16 July suffering daily shelling with casualties and were kept awake all one night by shells exploding at a British ammunition dump set alight at Vlamertinghe. On the evening of 28 July they were moved forward, relieving the 6th Battalion Lincolnshire Regiment amid the incessant barrage of the British artillery. Once in place by midnight there they were given tea and hot meals. The following day things were comparatively quiet enabling the working parties to move supplies forward.

Enemy shelling increased during the night of 30 July as the battalion moved forward to the assembly trenches. At 3.50am on 31 July the battalion went over the top attacking the enemy front line, advancing at ‘Hill Top Farm’ some 2 miles north-east from the centre of Ypres. They succeeded in taking and consolidating all their objectives recording only slight casualties but Albert was one of the few killed in action. His sister Rose lost both her husband and youngest brother within six days.

Albert who was aged twenty-five was killed less than a month before his planned wedding at Willingdon to Elsie. His commanding officer wrote a ‘sympathetic’ letter to his father saying: “ Personally I look upon his death as promotion, for I feel he has passed into the presence of his Maker, and is at rest, and although the loss to us is great it is really his gain.” Albert was buried in Buffs Road Cemetery Ypres. He is commemorated on the Willingdon War Memorial in the parish church, the Roll of Honour in Willingdon Memorial Hall and on the panel of the 12th Battalion, in the Royal Sussex Regimental chapel at Chichester Cathedral.

Six years later Elsie married another Albert in Willingdon church. They were my grandparents and together they visited Albert’s grave at Buff’s Road in the 1950s and 60s.

This story was submitted by Rosalind Hodge, Archivist, Willingdon Parish Church

The post Albert Hendley – A Village Baker appeared first on WW1 East Sussex.

Levi and Annie Moody, residents of 1 Lansdowne Place, Lewes, had two sons in the years before the First World War; James and Boaz. After war was declared in 1914 both brothers joined the British military and were deployed overseas.

James was assigned to the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment and was sent to France. On 25 September 1915 he took part in the opening day of the Battle of Loos.

The battle was a British contribution to a joint offensive with the French and its strategic aim was to break through the German lines in the Champagne and Artois regions of France. It was also one of the first battles to see the notable use of men from ‘Kitchener’s New Armies‘.

When the British attacked on 25 September 1915, they discovered that, similar to the Battle of Aubers Ridge earlier in the year and the Battle of the Somme that would come in 1916, their artillery preparation had not been adequate in destroying German positions. Losses on the first day of the attack were significant and when the offensive came to a halt on 15th October, the British had sustained over 61,000 casualties.

The 2nd Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment had lost 481 men during their part of the battle. Private James Richard Moody was among them, having fallen during the initial attack on 25th September aged 26.

He was survived by his younger brother Boaz who would later serve in the 9th Battalion of the King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry. He too, however, would lose his life in the conflict. Private Boaz Charles Moody was killed in action on 25th October 1918, just under three weeks before the end of the war. He was 20 years old.

James’ body was later laid to rest at Dud Corner Cemetery near Loos, whilst his brother was buried at Awoingt Cemetery near Cambrai.

Both men are also commemorated on a plaque at Kingston Parish Church, East Sussex.

This story was submitted following information generously provided by Roy Payne, whose Aunt was a sister to both James and Boaz Moody.

The post Private James Richard Moody appeared first on WW1 East Sussex.

Richard was born at 3, Fourth Street, Bensham, Gateshead, Durham on 1st March 1891, the son of John Hopper Swallow and Mary Agnes née Hunt. Richard was the fifth of their six children and the youngest of their three sons.

In 1908, at the age of 17, he enlisted as a Boy class II in the Royal Navy, signing up for 12 years’ service on his 18th birthday in 1909. Based at Chatham, Kent he was at sea for 2 years before passing through the Torpedo School with great success in 1912. He transferred to the Royal Naval Flying Corps in May 1913 and was part of the crew of “Baby Willows No 2”, the fourth airship built by Ernest Thompson Willows in 1912. Following its sale to the Admiralty the airship was commissioned “His Majesty’s Naval Airship No. 2” in September 1912.

Richard Swallow back row 2nd from right

Swallow then became Coxswain of N.S.1. These North Sea-class airships were developed in 1916/17 to carry out long-range patrols lasting over 24 hours. Swallow gained a wealth of experience in airship construction and rigging. In June 1917, whilst flying in the North Sea airships he was gazetted a Flight. Sub-Lieutenant in the Royal Navy. On his promotion he was posted to Polegate Royal Naval Air Station, at Willingdon, piloting Sea Scout Zero-class ships (S.S.Z) .

Richard married Hetty Mary Stoddart at Gravesend in the autumn of 1917 and they set up home at 21, Gore Park Road, Eastbourne, conveniently close to Richard’s station at Willingdon.

Whilst out on routine patrol with four other airships on 20 December 1917, they were all unable to return to base, due to thick fog, and were forced to moor in the surrounding area. Swallow had moored S.S.Z.7 at Beachy Head. They were recalled to base at approximately 9pm due to deteriorating weather conditions and increasing gales. Returning across the Downs in snow showers and fog, with crew air mechanics Victor Dodd and Edward Hughes, they were flying at a low altitude. Suddenly immediately ahead of them Dodd saw another airship and shouted warning.

Swallow opened the throttle but was unable to avoid it ripping open the envelope of S.S.Z10 moored on top of the downs near ‘Willingdon Hill Farm’. The escaping hydrogen gas ignited with the resulting fire destroying both airships. Dodd and Hughes jumped from their stricken airship receiving serious injuries but surviving. Pilot Richard Swallow, stayed with his blazing airship as it rose, some 200-300 feet into the night sky, before it came crashing to the ground and was killed.

His commanding officer wrote; “The quiet determination of his personality, together with his proved skill as a Pilot, bespoke still further success but that the misfortune of war cut short this life so valuable.”

Wreckage of airship S.S.Z7 on Willingdon Hill 1917 – Image courtesy of Rosalind Hodges

Married for just a few weeks, his young widow returned to her hometown of Gravesend where she lived for her rest of her life. Hettie never remarried and died there aged 87 in 1980.

Flight Sub-Lieutenant Richard Swallow R.N. was buried in grave D. 136. in Ocklynge Cemetery, Eastbourne with full military honours on 23 December 1917. Richard died on the Willingdon, Jevington parish border and his probate gives his place of death as the Downs Jevington although ‘Willingdon Hill Farm’ was at the time in the parish of Willingdon.

It is a sad fact that Richard Swallow is not commemorated on the Willingdon war memorial although he was based in Willingdon. His death is recorded as occurring in the parish of Jevington and he is buried in an Eastbourne cemetery in a Commonwealth War Grave, though his name is not inscribed on either the Jevington or Eastbourne war memorials.

His name is, however, inscribed in the Masonic Roll of Honour at the Freemasons’ Hall London as he had joined a Masonic Lodge, at Chatham and was initiated into Brownrigg Lodge of Unity No. 1424 on 4 April 1917.

This story was submitted by Rosalind Hodge, Archivist, Willingdon Parish Church

The post Flight Sub-Lieutenant Richard Swallow appeared first on WW1 East Sussex.

He was born at 37 Gloucester Place, Worthing, Sussex on 22 February 1900. He was the sixth of eight children of James Blann Steere a carpenter and joiner, and Emily Alice nee Butcher. When he was fifteen his elder brother, Able Seaman Archibald George Steere, born 11 August 1894, was killed in action when his vessel HMS Lynx struck a mine off Moray Firth, Scotland on 9 August 1915.

Eric Steere is seated front row 4th from the left

This made Eric determined to enlist despite being under age. On 25 January 1916, a month before his 16th birthday he enlisted at Shoreham in the Queen’s Own Royal West Kent Regiment. Private Eric Edward Steere gave his age as 18 years 13 days. It is recorded that he was 5ft 7 ins tall, chest 37½ ins, hair fair, eyes grey and complexion fresh. He gave his occupation as a Student at Naval College.

However, after just 64 days he was discharged on 28 March 1916, the reason given was – ‘Soldier under 17 years of age on application’. Still determined to join up he tried unsuccessfully to enlist in the Royal Navy but was told he must wait until he was of a proper age.

On his 17th birthday he enlisted in the Royal Navy as a Boy Mechanic giving his occupation as TS ‘Mercury’ a shore based training ship on the Hamble, Hampshire. He was stationed on what were termed stone frigates, Royal Naval land bases. Whilst stationed at ‘Daedalus’ (Cranwell) between 20 June and 30 September, he was thrown out of a seaplane over the North Sea and was rescued after spending several hours in the water.

He moved to Eastchurch, Kent from 1- 31 October, then to Yarmouth, Norfolk from 1 November – 17 November. He arrived at the Royal Naval Air Station Polegate, in Willingdon, on 18 November 1917. Just over a month after his arrival he was involved in the fatal airship accident that occurred at Willingdon Hill on top of the Southdowns, 20 December 1917. For his bravery in removing injured crew to safety and returning to remove dangerously heated bombs from a blazing airship he was awarded the Albert Medal in gold.

The wreckage of Airship R38

He was presented with his medal on 6 March 1918 at Buckingham Palace by King George V. Eric was still only 17 years at the time of the airship disaster and must be one of the youngest ever to receive this award.

He continued in the Royal Naval Air Service until 31 Mar 1918, when he was discharged from the Royal Navy and redeployed to the newly named Royal Air Force. He continued to fly in airships for the duration of the war.

After the war Eric remained in the Royal Air Force attaining the rank of Aircraftman 1st Class and continued flying with airships. On 5 April 1921, he was on board the R36 flight for demonstrations over Salisbury Plain when manoeuvres in turbulence caused the top rudder and starboard elevator to crumple. After a dramatic loss of altitude the ship adopted a severe nose down angle. They finally limped back to Pulham, Eric describing the day’s events as ‘exciting difficulties’.

Just four months later on 23 August 1921 he was one of the joint British and American crew on the fateful flight of the ridged airship R38. The R38 had been sold to the United States Navy in October 1919 even before its completion. It was during this, its fourth flight, that disaster struck over the sea. Having reached 62mph it carried out tight turns close to the estuary of the river Humber.

R38 Memorial, Hull Western Cemetery – Copyright Commonwealth War Graves Commission

The tragedy was witnessed by thousands on a warm summer’s evening as the airship was seen to crease and buckle amidships, breaking its back, exploding in mid-air, the force shattering windows in the city. Of the forty-nine crew on board only five survived and Eric was among those killed. Despite his years of experience on airships, Eric was still only 21 years old, the same age as Archibald his brother when he had been lost at sea in 1915.

As with Archibald, Eric’s body was never recovered, one of four crew to remain missing at sea. The R38 was the world’s largest airship and this was to be the first of the great airship disasters. Eric Steer’s name is inscribed on the memorial to those lost in the R38 disaster in Hull Western Cemetery. He is also named in the Commonwealth War Graves Commission records.

This story was submitted by Rosalind Hodge, Archivist, Willingdon Parish Church

The post Eric Steere appeared first on WW1 East Sussex.

Yeomanry Regiments were composed of light cavalry soldiers and the Sussex Yeomanry was formed as a volunteer Cavalry Regiment in 1794 in response to the threat of invasion by Napoleon. The Regiment continued until 1848 in support of local authorities, as there was no national or local police enforcement when the regiment was disbanded.

The unit was reformed as the 69^th (Sussex) Company of the Imperial Yeomanry in 1900, fighting in South Africa until 1902. After the Boer War, the Sussex Yeomanry continued in existence until the creation of the Territorial Force in 1908 when the Regiment was reformed as four Cavalry squadrons (18 localised Troops) and a headquarters in Brighton.

In April 1908, on re-formation, the unit was headquartered at Church Street in Brighton, with the squadrons (sqn) being headquartered as listed below, and under command of the South Eastern Mounted Brigade:

• A Sqn: Brighton (with drill stations at Horsham, Worthing, Haywards Heath and Crawley)
• B Sqn: Lewes (Brighton, Uckfield and Tunbridge Wells)
• C Sqn: Chichester (Bognor)
• D Sqn: Eastbourne (St Leonards, Bexhill and Rye)

Sussex Yeomanry during WW1

In the First World War, the Regiment was expanded first to two and later a third formation. It saw dismounted service in 1915 with the 1st battalion of the 1st regiment (1/1st) serving at Gallipoli and Palestine. On return from the Middle East it was incorporated in The Royal Sussex Regiment as the 16^th Battalion. In 1917 the Regiment moved to the Western Front. The 2nd Battalion (2/1st) was initially a recruiting and training formation, but later served in Ireland and, as a result,  the 3rd battalion (3/1st) was formed. However this battalion only existed for a short period of time and was soon disbanded following the incorporation of the 1st battalion into the Royal Sussex Regiment.

1/1^st Sussex Yeomanry First World War participation timeline

• August 1914: moved with the brigade to South East Cavalry Depot in Canterbury.
• 24 September 1915 : dismounted, the brigade sailed on the “Olympic” from Liverpool to Gallipoli, landing on 8 October 1915 and coming under orders of 42nd (East Lancashire) Division.
• December 1915 / January 1916: withdrew from Gallipoli and moved to Mudros (Limnos Island, Greece).
• February 1916: moved to Egypt where brigade was absorbed into 3^rd Dismounted Brigade on Suez Canal defences.
• July 1916: brigade moved to join the Western Frontier Force.
• 3 January 1917: converted to infantry, becoming 16^th (Sussex Yeomanry) Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment and came under orders of 230^th Brigade in 74^th (Yeomanry) Division.
• 7 May 1918: landed at Marseilles and spent rest of war on Western Front.

2/1^st Sussex Yeomanry First World War participation timeline

• Formed at Brighton in September 1914 as a “second line” (training, draft-supplying reserve) for the 1/1st.
• May 1915: moved to Maresfield (Wealden), came under orders of 2/1^st Southern Mounted Brigade.
• October 1915: moved with brigade to Canterbury, where brigade came under orders of 4^th Mounted Division.
• July 1916: converted to a cyclist unit in 5^th Cyclist Brigade, under 2^nd Cyclist Division, and moved to Great Bentley (Essex).
• November 1916: merged with 2/1^st Surrey Yeomanry to form 8^th (Surrey and Sussex) Yeomanry Cyclist Regiment, under command of 3^rd Cyclist Brigade at Ipswich.
• March 1917: resumed original identity but in same brigade. Moved to Bromeswell Heath (near Woodbridge, Suffolk) by May 1917. Moved in October to nearby Grundisburgh (Suffolk).
• April 1918: moved to Ireland, being initially at Dublin but soon to Clandeboye (outside Belfast). In September 1918 moved to Boyle (Roscommon) where it then remained.

3/1st Sussex Yeomanry First World War participation timeline

• Formed as a “third line” (training, draft-supplying reserve for the 1/1^st and 2/1^st) in Brighton in July 1915.
• June 1915: affiliated to 3^rd Reserve Cavalry Regiment at Canterbury.
• December 1916: disbanded. The men were posted to 1^st/1^st in Egypt, the 2/1^st Sussex Yeomanry or the 5th Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment.

Battle Honours awarded to Sussex Yeomanry:

Somme 1918, Bapaume 1918, Hindenburg Line, Epéhy, Pursuit to Mons, France and Flanders 1918, Gallipoli 1915, Egypt 1916-17, Gaza, Jerusalem, Tell’ Asur, Palestine 1917-18

In the 1917 renumbering of the Territorial’s, the 2^nd/1^st Sussex Yeomanry issued numbers from the block 170001-175000, (the 1/1st were now part of the Royal Sussex Regiment and the 3/1st had been disbanded.)

After the war

In 1921 the Sussex Yeomanry was re-designated as field artillery becoming the 13th (Sussex Yeomanry) Army Brigade, Royal Field Artillery. In 1922 it was amalgamated with the Surrey Yeomanry and re-formed as the 98th (Surrey and Sussex Yeomanry) Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, becoming fully mechanised in 1928.

In 1939 and the outbreak of war, the Brigade was reorganised into two, two Battery Regiments of Field Artillery the 98^th and 144^th. The 98^th was part of the British Expeditionary Force in the Second World War and was evacuated from Dunkirk later serving in North Africa including El Alamein and in Italy and Western Europe. The 144^th served in a Home Defence role until 1941, before going to fight in Italian occupied Abyssinia. In 1942 they deployed to Iraq, Syria and Lebanon on internal security duties. The 144^th also provided a cadre in 1940 to create 74^th Medium Regiment Royal Artillery (RA), which fought in North Africa and Italy.

Subsequent to the Second World War; the regiment was reformed as 344^th Regiment Light Anti-Aircraft, RA which, following several reorganisations in the 1950s and 60s, became 257 Sussex Yeomanry Regiment RA, with batteries in Worthing, Bexhill, Haywards Health and Brighton. This lasted until 1967.

In 1967, the Army was reorganised and the Sussex Yeomanry became a single Battery of 100 Medium Regiment RA, based in Brighton. This continued until 1992 when the unit was re-rolled as Royal Engineers as a 127 Squadron within 78 Fortress Engineer Regiment until 1999, when ‘Options for Change’ reduced the size of the Army.

The title today is carried by 1 Troop of 579 Field Squadron, Explosive Ordinance Disposal.

The Sussex Yeomanry Regimental Museum is located within Newhaven Fort.

Information for this story was provided by John Shill of the Sussex Yeomanry Regimental Association.

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In 1914, the British Army had approximately 710,000 men enlisted and able to fight, and more than 1 million soldiers volunteered to fight in the first months of the war. Lord Kitchener’s ‘Your Country Needs You’ poster campaign is possibly the most famous example of the efforts made to enlist young men in the war effort, but all parts of society worked to encourage young able-bodied men to volunteer to fight. The East Sussex WW1 project has been granted access to a collection of war posters from the East Sussex Libraries archive, which have been digitised and are available to view and download here. The posters in the collection demonstrate the wide range of language, images and evidence used to encourage men to sign up to the army.

Yet, by mid 1915 it was apparent that not enough men were signing up to replace the casualties from the front line. In response, the Derby Scheme was launched in autumn 1915. The scheme involved canvassers visiting eligible men’s houses and asking them to publically declare whether or not they would attest to join the forces. The survey revealed that there were 318,553 medically fit single men eligible to enlist.

Nevertheless, 38% of single men and 54% of married men publically refused to enlist, and the survey results demonstrated that there was no-where near the number of volunteers required to sustain Britain’s fighting forces. The Military Service Act was subsequently introduced in January 1916 and by March 1916 compulsory conscription for all single men aged 18-41 was in place. In May 1916, the Act was extended to include conscription for married men. Certain men were exempt from conscription: the medically unfit, clergymen, teachers and some industrial workers. Conscientious objectors who objected to war on moral or religious grounds were also exempt. Due to political unrest, conscription was also never implemented in Ireland.

Conscription was not a new concept in 1916. The National Service League was set up in 1902 to lobby the Government and raise awareness of how ill-prepared the British Army was to fight a major war. They proposed ‘national service’ which involved men aged 18 to 30 undertaking four years of compulsory military training. Support for the League grew in the lead up to WW1, and by 1910 the League reported to have 60,000 members. The League was highly politicised and although a number of mainstream politicians voiced support for conscription at one point or another, the National Service League was largely a right-wing movement that hoped to evoke national regeneration following years of political instability caused by the movements for working class and women’s rights.

Attitudes towards conscription in WW1

For over a decade before the First World War, public opinion had been against conscription, and many politicians, including Prime Minister Herbert Henry Asquith, were ideologically opposed to forcing men to fight. In April 1916, over 200,000 people demonstrated against conscription in Trafalgar Square. Further opposition to conscription was evidenced by the fact that by July 1916, 30% of those called up to fight had failed to sign up in protest. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1916, healthy-looking men in public places were rounded up.

There was also a strong class divide in attitudes to conscription. A paper presented to the Government’s Cabinet in September 1915 warned that working men would resist serving a nation in which they had no say over that nation’s governance. Men without property still did not yet have the right to vote in general elections and conscription was seen by some as a theft by capitalist rulers of working men’s rights. A pamphlet published in September 1915 by the Independent Labour Party titled the ‘Perils of Conscription’, argued that the Lords from the ‘higher echelons’ of the National Service League were fundamentally opposed to working-class democracies and were using militarism to regain lost wealth and power. The pamphlet argued ‘among the men whose names are prominently associated with the conscriptionist agitation… I do not know one who has figured as champion of working-class interests or popular freedom.’ According to the author, compulsory conscription would be particularly detrimental to workers who would lose a source of income and the ability to support themselves and/or their family.

Others opposed conscription because they felt it was anti-democratic and that England should resist the temptation of introducing the conscription used by other more ‘brutish’ nations. On 8 March 1916, Eastbourne Gazette printed a letter to the editor from Joseph Solway who claimed his appeal to a military tribunal had been reported incorrectly in a previous edition of the newspaper. While the Eastbourne Gazette had previously reported that Mr Solway had stated at his tribunal hearing that he had no love of England, in his letter he protested: ‘what I said was “I have no love for the conscription methods of England and Russia.” I know what Russian conscription is, and if winning this war means that this country adopts conscription then it is a poor win after all. The pity of it is that England, which has remained democratic in military principles so long, should be forced by the conscription clique to make it law for all “freemen” to throw off their garb of civilisation and revert back to the abysmal brutishness of a country perpetually bearing arms of destruction.’

And then there were those who supported conscription, but recognised it was not the only means to winning the war. Viscountess Wolseley, founder of the Glynde School for Lady Gardeners, also wrote in the Eastbourne Gazette on 8 March 1916 that she believed in the results ‘to be achieved by making all men who are physically fit register their willingness to take part in this Great War.’ Still, Viscountess Wolseley argued that it should not be forgotten that a number of men would need to be retained to work the land and provide food for the nation. She said ‘I am of opinion that those in authority must look upon the proper cultivation of our land and an increased yield of produce, as our secondary line of defence. I regret that the general public do not realise the importance of both agriculture and horticulture as a means of beating our enemy…unless a considerable number of starred men are retained for the land, we shall, even if we win by fighting, have years of poverty and distress to combat. Therefore, by every possible means, this secondary line of defence – agriculture – should be strengthened.’

Reflections on conscription

The Mass Observations project, now housed at the University of Sussex, undertook a study of attitudes to conscription in 1939, when the British Government was considering re-introducing compulsory conscription to increase the size of the British Army for fighting in the Second World War. A number of the responses given to the questions asked by researchers include references to the First World War and provide an insight to attitudes of people when conscription was first introduced in 1916.

As outlined above, some attitudes to conscription were based along class lines. One member of the public responded to the researcher’s question ‘what do you think of conscription?’ with: ‘Most of us were absolutely against it [in 1916], because we thought at first that it did away with the civil liberties of the people. And most important of all, as a working man, what have we got to gain by fighting. Even if the war does start it will be a capitalistic war. The working man will gain nothing out of it. In my opinion conscription has put back the advance of the working man by fifteen years.’

Other themes are apparent in the responses given. When asked to give their thoughts on conscription, a number of respondents thought it was ‘alright as long as fellows get their jobs back.’

Individual’s experiences of being conscribed or witnessing the conscription of others in WW1 did not appear to make them predisposed to supporting or opposing conscription when re-introduction was proposed in 1939. Some took the opinion that their experience of being enlisted for service in WW1 hadn’t done them any harm. One man answered ‘well I served in the last war. I think it’s a good idea for these young fellows.’ Another woman said ‘I had four brothers in the last one. I think that some of the fellows get a big idea of themselves and training does them good. I have a brother of 26… he’s been spoiled. It would do him good.’ Another woman felt that conscription of young men was ‘better than them going to dance halls.’ For these people, the extensive loss of life to fighting in WW1 did not influence their opinion on conscription. Their views reflected the arguments that had been made by groups such as the National Service League for years: conscription provided moral discipline, industrial efficiency and kept men occupied.

For one respondent, being conscripted in WW1 had been a source of pride. He said: ‘I was 37 when I joined up in 1915 and with 6 months training I put on 6lbs. It is one of the finest things you can have.’ He goes on to reason that conscription improved the effectiveness and capabilities of the British Army, as men fighting in the Boer War often had low levels of fitness and health and were prone to drinking. This, he argued, had been wiped out by the introduction of conscription and the training soldiers received.

Still, to some, the memories of the soldiers killed during the First World War influenced their attitudes to conscription in 1939. One woman responded to the question: ‘In the last war I never told one man that he ought to go. I tried to put myself in their place. If I’d been them I wouldn’t have gone. When I saw them going through the streets – all the young men – I used to think that they were being driven like cattle to the slaughter house. And they were, weren’t they? Fodder for the guns.’

The end of conscription in WW1

By the end of the war, over 5 million men had signed up to fight; 2.67 million joined as volunteers and 2.77 million joined as conscripts.

In 1918, in the last months of the war, a further Act, the Military Service (No. 2) Act increased the age range so that conscription applied to healthy men aged 51 and below. Conscription was also extended to 1920 so that the army had sufficient man-power to ‘deal with trouble spots in the Empire and parts of Europe.’

The opinions of conscription referenced in this story are sourced from the Mass Observation archives titled ‘Replies to the question ‘What do you think of conscription?’ (SxMOA1/2/29/1/C/4) and ‘Attitudes to conscription 1939’ (SxMOA1/2/27/1/E/1), and can be accessed at The Keep in East Sussex.

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William Albert Foord was born in the village of East Dean on the south east coast near the town of Eastbourne, East Sussex, on 25 September 1895. When he was one year old, the family moved to Ocklynge Cottages in the parish of Willingdon, a few miles away from where he had been born. He was the third of ten children of Albert and Mary Jane Foord. He attended the small village school and was a chorister at the parish church.

He enlisted in the 11th Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment at Eastbourne Recruiting Office on 5 September 1914, just 11 days before his 18th birthday, although on his Army Records he gave his age as being a year older. He was, at the time, a farm labourer working for Thomas Cooper of Chalk Farm in Willingdon and was 5ft 7ins tall with light brown hair and grey eyes.

Boulogne Eastern Cemetery – Copyright Commonwealth War Graves Commission

William was sent with other recruits to Cooden Mount Camp at Bexhill to commence training and from there went on to Detling Camp in Maidstone, Kent in July 1915.

From Detling Camp he went for further training to Aldershot, and it was from here that he travelled by train with his battalion to Southampton Docks and embarked for Le Havre on 5 March 1916, sailing in snowy conditions.

In France, the battalion was not involved in any major battles at this time but continued with training and sorties to cut wire in preparation for the forthcoming Battle of the Boar’s Head at Richebourg. The battle was to commence on 30th June in an attempt to draw German soldiers away from the planned attack at the Somme the following day.

On 31 May whilst at Cuinchy, William received a gunshot wound to the head and was taken to the 13th General Hospital at Boulogne. From here it was planned he would be taken by hospital ship back to England for treatment. However he died in hospital at Boulogne on 25 June almost a month after the injury.

At the time of his death, William Albert Foord was 20 years old. His body now lies at the Boulogne Eastern Cemetery and his death is recorded by the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

This story was submitted by Rosalind Hodge, Archivist, Willingdon Parish Church

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The end of 1914 had failed to bring about the end of the First World War. The hoped for war of movement had failed to materialise. It had been replaced by the tactical and strategic stalemate of trenches. Whilst the British had launched an extensive recruitment drive at the outbreak of war, those men who had joined the army still needed to undergo training. This meant that the tiny British Expeditionary Force (B.E.F.) would continue to hold the line alongside the Belgian and French armies against the might of the German army.

The First Battle of Ypres had brought about heavy losses in the B.E.F. as both the Entente allies and the Germans sought ways to break the deadlock.

On the 22nd April 1915, the Germans utilised gas weaponry for the first time as they launched another offensive against British positions at the town of Ypres. The Second Battle of Ypres, which began that day, would last until the end of May.

Pressure needed to be alleviated from these front lines.

Second Battle of Artois

Field Marshal, Sir John French

Whilst the German Army had begun to fight again at Ypres, their primary focus for 1915 was away to the Eastern Front fighting the Russians. If the Russian Army could be defeated in battle, then the Germans would be able to bring their forces away from that front and redeploy them against Britain and France. Such a numerical superiority would likely bring about the end of the war.

To make the most of the German’s distraction away to the east, the French commander-in-chief General Joseph Joffre decided to launch multiple offensives into German positions around Artois, Rheims, and Verdun. The planning for this attack began in March 1915, and it was agreed that the British would act in support of the French Army.

General Douglas Haig began planning for the attack from the end of April, just before the Entente nations launched their attack on Gallipoli. Ongoing German struggles in the east and the sinking of the Lusitania gave Britain and France a propaganda advantage over Germany and a sense of building momentum.

The original plan was for the French to attack first and, a day later, for the British to launch a subsidiary attack against German positions. It was decided that the British would launch their attack on Aubers Ridge near Vimy. The capture of the heights would provide security for the French attack and remove a dangerous German position from the British front.

The German attack on Ypres did not heavily disrupt these plans, but poor weather meant that the attack was rescheduled first to the 7th May and then again to the 9th. However, Joffre also adapted his plans. Now the British and the French would attack at the same time, rather than the British a day later. Whereas the British had intended to attack positions that might have been stripped of defenders to deal with the attacking French, they would now lose this potential advantage.

Aubers Ridge

View of the Battle of Aubers Ridge, attack on Fromelles. During the bombardment 9th May 1915. Smoke is rising from the German lines. – Image Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum (IWM Q 51624)

The ground where the British were scheduled to attack was not ideal for combat. The land was largely flat, with little cover, and was also criss-crossed by numerous ditches and drainage streams. Whilst some could be navigated or hurdled, others could be fifteen feet wide. The German lines lay between 100 and 500 yards from the British, and several sections of the enemy trenches could not be seen from the British position. Furthermore the German’s had been systematically strengthening their defenses in the area.

Newly installed and upgraded breastworks were now thicker and wider making it far more difficult to scale or traverse them in an attack. Machine guns had been installed just above ground level with clear fields of fire. Destroying such defenses would be difficult even if the British knew about them. But intelligence on the German positions was sketchy in places.

Furthermore, the British Army in the area was also heavily hampered by an ongoing shortage of artillery pieces and ammunition. Production on the home front had consistently failed to keep up with demand. Some of the artillery guns the British were forced to employ were effectively obsolete. As would shortly be discovered, a number of the shells to be used were faulty and would either never explode, or instead would detonate within the gun itself.

Whilst those planning the attack were unsure if the German’s knew the assault was coming, some in the trenches were much more certain. German soldiers in the opposite trenches had taken to shouting that they knew an attack was imminent.

At 5am on 9th May, the British guns began shelling the German line with shrapnel shells. These weapons were believed to be best suited to cut or destroy barbed wire defences. This was a school of thought which would be replicated during the preliminary bombardment at the Battle of the Somme. At 5:30am the British guns changed to high explosive shells aimed at the German trenches and breastworks in an attempt to destroy these positions and open a route inside for British soldiers.

Shortly afterwards the first wave of British soldiers went over the top. Among them were the 2nd battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment. As these soldiers left their trenches they were immediately greeted with sustained German fire. The new machine gun positions recently installed by the Germans ensured that fire was directed at attackers’ knee height to ensure it could not be avoided. German artillery, which had been largely undisturbed by the British shelling could also now open fire onto No Man’s Land.

From around 850 men of the battalion, 565 became casualties with at least 260 of them being killed.

Moses David Sands – Image courtesy of John Staples

Among them was Moses David Sands. Sands was born on 26th April 1874 to George and Margaret Sands of St Leonard’s-on-Sea. By the age of eight he had moved with his family to Eastbourne. On 12 August 1893, Moses married Esther Elizabeth Erridge in Eastbourne. They had nine children between 1894 and 1909. Moses signed up to the join the Royal Sussex regiment at the outbreak of war in 1914. Shortly after he ventured over the top on 9 May he was killed by a shell.

As the day progressed, British attacks became bogged down by stiff German defences and barbed wire left intact. Many of those who were killed, died yards from their own trenches as they attempted to advance over the open ground. British commanders Haig and Major-General Gough attempted to force the position during the afternoon and into the night, but the German defences could not be breached.

By the morning of 10 May, the attack had stopped.

Aftermath

Over 11,000 British soldiers had become casualties during the attempt to take Aubers Ridge and the battle had been a disastrous failure.

In conversations and correspondence with the Times War Correspondent Charles à Court Repington, the commander of the B.E.F. General Sir John French, placed the blame squarely on the inability of British armament production to provide the army with tools to win the war. When Repington reported this back in Britain it caused what is latterly known as the ‘Shell Crisis,’ which ended up effectively toppling the government and saw private armament factories placed under the control of the newly created Minister for Munitions David Lloyd George.

John William Tutt – Image courtesy of John Staples

General French would shortly be relieved of his command and replaced by Douglas Haig, as the military and governmental make up of Britain shifted in light of the war’s progress and the failure at Auber’s Ridge.

Back home some good would emerge from the destruction and death of the battle. Among the survivors of the Battle of Aubers Ridge was John William Tutt.

Tutt had been born in October 1881 in Eastbourne. He married Emily Mary Elizabeth Barnard on 11 June 1905. Whilst married and father to four children, Tutt joined the Royal Sussex Regiment. In March 1915 whilst John was serving in France, Emily passed away. When the Royal Sussex Regiment attacked at Aubers Ridge, Tutt saw his comrade Moses Sands die in action. In March of 1918, having come back from the war John met and married Esther Sands, Moses’ widow, combining the two families. John died in Dec 1961 aged 79 and three years after Esther.

This story includes information kindly supplied by John Staples, the Great-Grandson of Moses Sands.

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